THE RELIGION OF THE BABYLONIANS AND ASSYRIANS

 The Sumero-Akkadians and the Semites.

For the history of the development of the religion of the Babylonians
and Assyrians much naturally depends upon the composition of the
population of early Babylonia. There is hardly any doubt that the
Sumero-Akkadians were non-Semites of a fairly pure race, but the
country of their origin is still unknown, though a certain
relationship with the Mongolian and Turkish nationalities, probably
reaching back many centuries--perhaps thousands of years--before the
earliest accepted date, may be regarded as equally likely. Equally
uncertain is the date of the entry of the Semites, whose language
ultimately displaced the non-Semitic Sumero-Akkadian idioms, and
whose kings finally ruled over the land. During the third millennium
before Christ Semites, bearing Semitic names, and called Amorites,
appear, and probably formed the last considerable stratum of tribes of
that race which entered the land. The name Martu, the Sumero-Akkadian
equivalent of Amurru, "Amorite", is of frequent occurrence also before
this period. The eastern Mediterranean coast district, including
Palestine and the neighbouring tracts, was known by the Babylonians
and Assyrians as the land of the Amorites, a term which stood for the
West in general even when these regions no longer bore that name. The
Babylonians maintained their claim to sovereignty over that part as
long as they possessed the power to do so, and naturally exercised
considerable influence there. The existence in Palestine, Syria, and
the neighbouring states, of creeds containing the names of many
Babylonian divinities is therefore not to be wondered at, and the
presence of West Semitic divinities in the religion of the Babylonians
need not cause us any surprise.


               The Babylonian script and its evidence.

In consequence of the determinative prefix for a god or a goddess
being, in the oldest form, a picture of an eight-rayed star, it has
been assumed that Assyro-Babylonian mythology is, either wholly or
partly, astral in origin. This, however, is by no means certain, the
character for "star" in the inscriptions being a combination of three
such pictures, and not a single sign. The probability therefore is,
that the use of the single star to indicate the name of a divinity
arises merely from the fact that the character in question stands for
/ana/, "heaven." Deities were evidently thus distinguished by the
Babylonians because they regarded them as inhabitants of the realms
above--indeed, the heavens being the place where the stars are seen, a
picture of a star was the only way of indicating heavenly things. That
the gods of the Babylonians were in many cases identified with the
stars and planets is certain, but these identifications seem to have
taken place at a comparatively late date. An exception has naturally
to be made in the case of the sun and moon, but the god Merodach, if
he be, as seems certain, a deified Babylonian king, must have been
identified with the stars which bear his name after his worshippers
began to pay him divine honours as the supreme deity, and naturally
what is true for him may also be so for the other gods whom they
worshipped. The identification of some of the deities with stars or
planets is, moreover, impossible, and if Κa, the god of the deep, and
Anu, the god of the heavens, have their representatives among the
heavenly bodies, this is probably the result of later development.[*]

[*] If there be any historical foundation for the statement that
    Merodach arranged the sun, the moon, the planets, and the stars,
    assigning to them their proper places and duties--a tradition
    which would make him the founder of the science of astronomy
    during his life upon earth--this, too, would tend to the
    probability that the origin of the gods of the Babylonians was not
    astral, as has been suggested, but that their identification with
    the heavenly bodies was introduced during the period of his reign.


         Ancestor and hero-worship. The deification of kings.

Though there is no proof that ancestor-worship in general prevailed at
any time in Babylonia, it would seem that the worship of heroes and
prominent men was common, at least in early times. The tenth chapter
of Genesis tells us of the story of Nimrod, who cannot be any other
than the Merodach of the Assyro-Babylonian inscriptions; and other
examples, occurring in semi-mythological times, are /En-we-dur-an-ki/,
the Greek Edoreschos, and /Gilgameš/, the Greek Gilgamos, though
Aelian's story of the latter does not fit in with the account as given
by the inscriptions. In later times, the divine prefix is found before
the names of many a Babylonian ruler--Sargon of Agadι,[*] Dungi of Ur
(about 2500 B.C.), Rim-Sin or Eri-Aku (Arioch of Ellasar, about 2100
B.C.), and others. It was doubtless a kind of flattery to deify and
pay these rulers divine honours during their lifetime, and on account
of this, it is very probable that their godhood was utterly forgotten,
in the case of those who were strictly historical, after their death.
The deification of the kings of Babylonia and Assyria is probably due
to the fact, that they were regarded as the representatives of God
upon earth, and being his chief priests as well as his offspring (the
personal names show that it was a common thing to regard children as
the gifts of the gods whom their father worshipped), the divine
fatherhood thus attributed to them naturally could, in the case of
those of royal rank, give them a real claim to divine birth and
honours. An exception is the deification of the Babylonian Noah,
Ut-napištim, who, as the legend of the Flood relates, was raised and
made one of the gods by Aa or Ea, for his faithfulness after the great
catastrophe, when he and his wife were translated to the "remote place
at the mouth of the rivers." The hero Gilgameš, on the other hand, was
half divine by birth, though it is not exactly known through whom his
divinity came.

[*] According to Nabonidus's date 3800 B.C., though many
    Assyriologists regard this as being a millennium too early.


            The earliest form of the Babylonian religion.

The state of development to which the religious system of the
Babylonians had attained at the earliest period to which the
inscriptions refer naturally precludes the possibility of a
trustworthy history of its origin and early growth. There is no doubt,
however, that it may be regarded as having reached the stage at which
we find it in consequence of there being a number of states in ancient
Babylonia (which was at that time like the Heptarchy in England) each
possessing its own divinity--who, in its district, was regarded as
supreme--with a number of lesser gods forming his court. It was the
adding together of all these small pantheons which ultimately made
that of Babylonia as a whole so exceedingly extensive. Thus the chief
divinity of Babylon, as has already been stated, as Merodach; at
Sippar and Larsa the sun-god Šamaš was worshipped; at Ur the moon-god
Sin or Nannar; at Erech and Dκr the god of the heavens, Anu; at Muru,
Ennigi, and Kakru, the god of the atmosphere, Hadad or Rimmon; at
Κridu, the god of the deep, Aa or Κa; at Niffur[*] the god Bel; at
Cuthah the god of war, Nergal; at Dailem the god Uraš; at Kiš the god
of battle, Zagaga; Lugal-Amarda, the king of Marad, as the city so
called; at Opis Zakar, one of the gods of dreams; at Agadι, Nineveh,
and Arbela, Ištar, goddess of love and of war; Nina at the city Nina
in Babylonia, etc. When the chief deities were masculine, they were
naturally all identified with each other, just as the Greeks called
the Babylonian Merodach by the name of Zeus; and as Zer-panξtum, the
consort of Merodach, was identified with Juno, so the consorts, divine
attendants, and children of each chief divinity, as far as they
possessed them, could also be regarded as the same, though possibly
distinct in their different attributes.

[*] Noufar at present, according to the latest explorers. Layard
    (1856) has Niffer, Loftus (1857) Niffar. The native spelling is
    Noufer, due to the French system of phonetics.


            How the religion of the Babylonians developed.

The fact that the rise of Merodach to the position of king of the gods
was due to the attainment, by the city of Babylon, of the position of
capital of all Babylonia, leads one to suspect that the kingly rank of
his father Κa, at an earlier period, was due to a somewhat similar
cause, and if so, the still earlier kingship of Anu, the god of the
heavens, may be in like manner explained. This leads to the question
whether the first state to attain to supremacy was Dκr, Anu's seat,
and whether Dκr was succeeded by Κridu, of which city Κa was the
patron--concerning the importance of Babylon, Merodach's city, later
on, there is no doubt whatever. The rise of Anu and Κa to divine
overlordship, however, may not have been due to the political
supremacy of the cities where they were worshipped--it may have come
about simply on account of renown gained through religious enthusiasm
due to wonders said to have been performed where they were worshipped,
or to the reported discovery of new records concerning their temples,
or to the influence of some renowned high-priest, like En-we-dur-an-ki
of Sippar, whose devotion undoubtedly brought great renown to the city
of his dominion.


                    Was Animism its original form?

But the question naturally arises, can we go back beyond the
indications of the inscriptions? The Babylonians attributed life, in
certain not very numerous cases, to such things as trees and plants,
and naturally to the winds, and the heavenly bodies. Whether they
regarded stones, rocks, mountains, storms, and rain in the same way,
however, is doubtful, but it may be taken for granted, that the sea,
with all its rivers and streams, was regarded as animated with the
spirit of Κa and his children, whilst the great cities and
temple-towers were pervaded with the spirit of the god whose abode
they were. Innumerable good and evil spirits were believed in, such as
the spirit of the mountain, the sea, the plain, and the grave. These
spirits were of various kinds, and bore names which do not always
reveal their real character--such as the /edimmu/, /utukku/, /šκdu/,
/ašakku/ (spirit of fevers), /namtaru/ (spirit of fate), /βlϋ/
(regarded as the spirit of the south wind), /gallu/, /rabisu/,
/labartu/, /labasu/, /ahhazu/ (the seizer), /lilu/ and /lilithu/ (male
and female spirits of the mist), with their attendants.

All this points to animism as the pervading idea of the worship of the
peoples of the Babylonian states in the prehistoric period--the
attribution of life to every appearance of nature. The question is,
however, Is the evidence of the inscriptions sufficient to make this
absolutely certain? It is hard to believe that such intelligent
people, as the primitive Babylonians naturally were, believed that
such things as stones, rocks, mountains, storms, and rain were, in
themselves, and apart from the divinity which they regarded as
presiding over them, living things. A stone might be a /bξt ξli/ or
bethel--a "house of god," and almost invested with the status of a
living thing, but that does not prove that the Babylonians thought of
every stone as being endowed with life, even in prehistoric times.
Whilst, therefore, there are traces of a belief similar to that which
an animistic creed might be regarded as possessing, it must be
admitted that these seemingly animistic doctrines may have originated
in another way, and be due to later developments. The power of the
gods to create living things naturally makes possible the belief that
they had also power to endow with a soul, and therefore with life and
intelligence, any seemingly inanimate object. Such was probably the
nature of Babylonian animism, if it may be so called. The legend of
Tiawthu (Tiawath) may with great probability be regarded as the
remains of a primitive animism which was the creed of the original and
comparatively uncivilised Babylonians, who saw in the sea the producer
and creator of all the monstrous shapes which are found therein; but
any development of this idea in other directions was probably cut
short by the priests, who must have realised, under the influence of
the doctrine of the divine rise to perfection, that animism in general
was altogether incompatible with the creed which they professed.


                   Image-worship and Sacred Stones.

Whether image-worship was original among the Babylonians and Assyrians
is uncertain, and improbable; the tendency among the people in early
times being to venerate sacred stones and other inanimate objects. As
has been already pointed out, the {diopetres} of the Greeks was
probably a meteorite, and stones marking the position of the Semitic
bethels were probably, in their origin, the same. The boulders which
were sometimes used for boundary-stones may have been the
representations of these meteorites in later times, and it is
noteworthy that the Sumerian group for "iron," /an-bar/, implies that
the early Babylonians only knew of that metal from meteoric ironstone.
The name of the god Nirig or Κnu-rκštu (Ninip) is generally written
with the same group, implying some kind of connection between the two
--the god and the iron. In a well-known hymn to that deity certain
stones are mentioned, one of them being described as the "poison-
tooth"[*] coming forth on the mountain, recalling the sacred rocks at
Jerusalem and Mecca. Boundary-stones in Babylonia were not sacred
objects except in so far as they were sculptured with the signs of the
gods.[†] With regard to the Babylonian bethels, very little can be
said, their true nature being uncertain, and their number, to all
appearance, small. Gifts were made to them, and from this fact it
would seem that they were temples--true "houses of god," in fact--
probably containing an image of the deity, rather than a stone similar
to those referred to in the Old Testament.

[*] So called, probably, not because it sent forth poison, but on
    account of its likeness to a serpent's fang.

[†] Notwithstanding medical opinion, their phallic origin is doubtful.
    One is sculptured in the form of an Eastern castellated fortress.


                                Idols.

With the Babylonians, the gods were represented by means of stone
images at a very early date, and it is possible that wood was also
used. The tendency of the human mind being to attribute to the Deity a
human form, the Babylonians were no exception to the rule. Human
thoughts and feelings would naturally accompany the human form with
which the minds of men endowed them. Whether the gross human passions
attributed to the gods of Babylonia in Herodotus be of early date or
not is uncertain--a late period, when the religion began to
degenerate, would seem to be the more probable.


                   The adoration of sacred objects.

It is probable that objects belonging to or dedicated to deities were
not originally worshipped--they were held as divine in consequence of
their being possessed or used by a deity, like the bow of Merodach,
placed in the heavens as a constellation, etc. The cities where the
gods dwelt on earth, their temples, their couches, the chariot of the
sun in his temple-cities, and everything existing in connection with
their worship, were in all probability regarded as divine simply in so
far as they belonged to a god. Sacrifices offered to them, and
invocations made to them, were in all likelihood regarded as having
been made to the deity himself, the possessions of the divinity being,
in the minds of the Babylonians, pervaded with his spirit. In the case
of rivers, these were divine as being the children and offspring of
Enki (Aa or Κa), the god of the ocean.


                             Holy places.

In a country which was originally divided into many small states, each
having its own deities, and, to a certain extent, its own religious
system, holy places were naturally numerous. As the spot where they
placed Paradise, Babylonia was itself a holy place, but in all
probability this idea is late, and only came into existence after the
legends of the creation and the rise of Merodach to the kingship of
heaven had become elaborated into one homogeneous whole.


                         An interesting list.

One of the most interesting documents referring to the holy places of
Babylonia is a tiny tablet found at Nineveh, and preserved in the
British Museum. This text begins with the word Tiawthu "the sea," and
goes on to enumerate, in turn, Tilmun (identified with the island of
Bahrein in the Persian Gulf); Engurra (the Abyss, the abode of Enki or
Κa), with numerous temples and shrines, including "the holy house,"
"the temple of the seer of heaven and earth," "the abode of Zer-
panξtum," consort of Merodach, "the throne of the holy place," "the
temple of the region of Hades," "the supreme temple of life," "the
temple of the ear of the corn-deity," with many others, the whole list
containing what may be regarded as the chief sanctuaries of the land,
to the number of thirty-one. Numerous other similar and more extensive
lists, enumerating every shrine and temple in the country, also exist,
though in a very imperfect state, and in addition to these, many holy
places are referred to in the bilingual, historical, and other
inscriptions. All the great cities of Babylonia, moreover, were sacred
places, the chief in renown and importance in later days being the
great city of Babylon, where Κ-sagila, "the temple of the high head,"
in which was apparently the shrine called "the temple of the
foundation of heaven and earth," held the first place. This building
is called by Nebuchadnezzar "the temple-tower of Babylon," and may
better be regarded as the site of the Biblical "Tower of Babel" than
the traditional foundation, Κ-zida, "the everlasting temple," in
Borsippa (the Birs Nimroud)--notwithstanding that Borsippa was called
the "second Babylon," and its temple-tower "the supreme house of
life."


                         The Tower of Babel.

Though quite close to Babylon, there is no doubt that Borsippa was a
most important religious centre, and this leads to the possibility,
that its great temple may have disputed with "the house of the high
head," Κ-sagila in Babylon, the honour of being the site of the
confusion of tongues and the dispersion of mankind. There is no doubt,
however, that Κ-sagila has the prior claim, it being the temple of the
supreme god of the later Babylonian pantheon, the counterpart of the
God of the Hebrews who commanded the changing of the speech of the
people assembled there. Supposing the confusion of tongues to have
been a Babylonian legend as well as a Hebrew one (as is possible) it
would be by command of Merodach rather than that of Nebo that such a
thing would have taken place. Κ-sagila, which is now the ruin known as
the mount of Amran ibn Ali, is the celebrated temple of Belus which
Alexander and Philip attempted to restore.

In addition to the legend of the confusion of tongues, it is probable
that there were many similar traditions attached to the great temples
of Babylonia, and as time goes on, and the excavations bring more
material, a large number of them will probably be recovered. Already
we have an interesting and poetical record of the entry of Bel and
Beltis into the great temple at Niffer, probably copied from some
ancient source, and Gudea, a king of Lagaš (Telloh), who reigned about
2700 B.C., gives an account of the dream which he saw, in which he was
instructed by the gods to build or rebuild the temple of Nin-Girsu in
his capital city.


                   Κ-sagila according to Herodotus.

As the chief fane in the land after Babylon became the capital, and
the type of many similar erections, Κ-sagila, the temple of Belus,
merits just a short notice. According to Herodotus, it was a massive
tower within an enclosure measuring 400 yards each way, and provided
with gates of brass, or rather bronze. The tower within consisted of a
kind of step-pyramid, the stages being seven in number (omitting the
lowest, which was the platform forming the foundation of the
structure). A winding ascent gave access to the top, where was a
chapel or shrine, containing no statue, but regarded by the
Babylonians as the abode of the god. Lower down was another shrine, in
which was placed a great statue of Zeus (Bel-Merodach) sitting, with a
large table before it. Both statue and table are said to have been of
gold, as were also the throne and the steps. Outside the sanctuary (on
the ramp, apparently) were two altars, one small and made of gold,
whereon only unweaned lambs were sacrificed, and the other larger, for
full-grown victims.


                      A Babylonian description.

In 1876 the well-known Assyriologist, Mr. George Smith, was fortunate
enough to discover a Babylonian description of this temple, of which
he published a /prιcis/. According to this document, there were two
courts of considerable extent, the smaller within the larger--neither
of them was square, but oblong. Six gates admitted to the temple-area
surrounding the platform upon which the tower was built. The platform
is stated to have been square and walled, with four gates facing the
cardinal points. Within this wall was a building connected with the
great /zikkurat/ or tower--the principal edifice--round which were
chapels or temples to the principal gods, on all four sides, and
facing the cardinal points--that to Nebo and Tašmξt being on the east,
to Aa or Κa and Nusku on the north, Anu and Bel on the south, and the
series of buildings on the west, consisting of a double house--a small
court between two wings, was evidently the shrine of Merodach (Belos).
In these western chambers stood the couch of the god, and the golden
throne mentioned by Herodotus, besides other furniture of great value.
The couch was given as being 9 cubits long by 4 broad, about as many
feet in each case, or rather more.

The centre of these buildings was the great /zikkurat/, or temple-
tower, square on its plan, and with the sides facing the cardinal
points. The lowest stage was 15 /gar/ square by 5 1/2 high (Smith, 300
feet by 110), and the wall, in accordance with the usual Babylonian
custom, seems to have been ornamented with recessed groovings. The
second stage was 13 /gar/ square by 3 in height (Smith, 260 by 60
feet). He conjectured, from the expression used, that it had sloping
sides. Stages three to five were each one /gar/ (Smith, 20 feet) high,
and respectively 10 /gar/ (Smith, 200 feet), 8 1/2 /gar/ (170 feet),
and 7 /gar/ (140 feet) square. The dimensions of the sixth stage are
omitted, probably by accident, but Smith conjectures that they were in
proportion to those which precede. His description omits also the
dimensions of the seventh stage, but he gives those of the sanctuary
of Belus, which was built upon it. This was 4 /gar/ long, 3 1/2 /gar/
broad, and 2 1/2 /gar/ high (Smith, 80 x 70 x 50 feet). He points out,
that the total height was, therefore, 15 /gar/, the same as the
dimensions of the base, i.e., the lowest platform, which would make
the total height of this world-renowned building rather more than 300
feet above the plains.


                         Other temple-towers.

Towers of a similar nature were to be found in all the great cities of
Babylonia, and it is probable that in most cases slight differences of
form were to be found. That at Niffer, for instance, seems to have had
a causeway on each side, making four approaches in the form of a
cross. But it was not every city which had a tower of seven stages in
addition to the platform on which it was erected, and some of the
smaller ones at least seem to have had sloping or rounded sides to the
basement-portion, as is indicated by an Assyrian bas-relief. Naturally
small temples, with hardly more than the rooms on the ground floor,
were to be found, but these temple-towers were a speciality of the
country.


                            Their origin.

There is some probability that, as indicated in the tenth chapter of
Genesis, the desire in building these towers was to get nearer the
Deity, or to the divine inhabitants of the heavens in general--it
would be easier there to gain attention than on the surface of the
earth. Then there was the belief, that the god to whom the place was
dedicated would come down to such a sanctuary, which thus became, as
it were, the stepping-stone between heaven and earth. Sacrifices were
also offered at these temple-towers (whether on the highest point or
not is not quite certain), in imitation of the Chaldζan Noah,
Ut-napištim, who, on coming out of the ark, made an offering /ina
zikkurat šadκ/, "on the peak of the mountain," in which passage, it is
to be noted, the word /zikkurat/ occurs with what is probably a more
original meaning.



                             CHAPTER III

                 THE BABYLONIAN STORY OF THE CREATION

This is the final development of the Babylonian creed. It has already
been pointed out that the religion of the Babylonians in all
probability had two stages before arriving at that in which the god
Merodach occupied the position of chief of the pantheon, the two
preceding heads having been, seemingly, Anu, the god of the heavens,
and Κa or Aa, also called Enki, the god of the abyss and of deep
wisdom. In order to show this, and at the same time to give an idea of
their theory of the beginning of things, a short paraphrase of the
contents of the seven tablets will be found in the following pages.


                      An Embodiment of doctrine.

As far as our knowledge goes, the doctrines incorporated in this
legend would seem to show the final official development of the
beliefs held by the Babylonians, due, in all probability, to the
priests of Babylon after that city became the capital of the federated
states. Modifications of their creed probably took place, but nothing
seriously affecting it, until after the abandonment of Babylon in the
time of Seleucus Nicator, 300 B.C. or thereabouts, when the deity at
the head of the pantheon seems not to have been Merodach, but Anu-Bκl.
This legend is therefore the most important document bearing upon the
beliefs of the Babylonians from the end of the third millennium B.C.
until that time, and the philosophical ideas which it contains seem to
have been held, in a more or less modified form, among the remnants
who still retained the old Babylonian faith, until the sixth century
of the present era, as the record by Damascius implies. Properly
speaking, it is not a record of the creation, but the story of the
fight between Bel and the Dragon, to which the account of the creation
is prefixed by way of introduction.


                       Water the first creator.

The legend begins by stating that, when the heavens were unnamed and
the earth bore no name, the primζval ocean was the producer of all
things, and Mummu Tiawath (the sea) she who brought forth everything
existing. Their waters (that is, of the primζval ocean and of the sea)
were all united in one, and neither plains nor marshes were to be
seen; the gods likewise did not exist, even in name, and the fates
were undetermined--nothing had been decided as to the future of
things. Then arose the great gods. Lahmu and Lahame came first,
followed, after a long period, by Anšar and Kišar, generally
identified with the "host of heaven" and the "host of earth," these
being the meanings of the component parts of their names. After a
further long period of days, there came forth their son Anu, the god
of the heavens.


                              The gods.

Here the narrative is defective, and is continued by Damascius in his
/Doubts and Solutions of the First Principles/, in which he states
that, after Anos (Anu), come Illinos (Ellila or Bel, "the lord" /par
excellence/) and Aos (Aa, Ae, or Κa), the god of Eridu. Of Aos and
Daukι (the Babylonian Aa and Damkina) is born, he says, a son called
Belos (Bel-Merodach), who, they (apparently the Babylonians) say, is
the fabricator of the world--the creator.


                      The designs against them.

At this point Damascius ends his extract, and the Babylonian tablet
also becomes extremely defective. The next deity to come into
existence, however, would seem to have been Nudimmud, who was
apparently the deity Aa or Κa (the god of the sea and of rivers) as
the god of creation. Among the children of Tauthι (Tiawath) enumerated
by Damascius is one named Moumis, who was evidently referred to in the
document at that philosopher's disposal. If this be correct, his name,
under the form of Mummu, probably existed in one of the defective
lines of the first portion of this legend--in any case, his name
occurs later on, with those of Tiawath and Apsu (the Deep), his
parents, and the three seem to be compared, to their disadvantage,
with the progeny of Lahmu and Lahame, the gods on high. As the ways of
these last were not those of Tiawath's brood, and Apsu complained that
he had no peace by day nor rest by night on account of their
proceedings, the three representatives of the chaotic deep, Tiawath,
Apsu, and Mummu, discussed how they might get rid the beings who
wished to rise to higher things. Mummu was apparently the prime mover
in the plot, and the face of Apsu grew bright at the thought of the
evil plan which they had devised against "the gods their sons." The
inscription being very mutilated here, its full drift cannot be
gathered, but from the complete portions which come later it would
seem that Mummu's plan was not a remarkably cunning one, being simply
to make war upon and destroy the gods of heaven.


                       Tiawath's preparations.

The preparations made for this were elaborate. Restlessly, day and
night, the powers of evil raged and toiled, and assembled for the
fight. 'Mother Hubur," as Tiawath is named in this passage, called her
creative powers into action, and gave her followers irresistible
weapons. She brought into being also various monsters--giant serpents,
sharp of tooth, bearing stings, and with poison filling their bodies
like blood; terrible dragons endowed with brilliance, and of enormous
stature, reared on high, raging dogs, scorpion-men, fish-men, and many
other terrible beings, were created and equipped, the whole being
placed under the command of a deity named Kingu, whom she calls her
"only husband," and to whom she delivers the tablets of fate, which
conferred upon him the godhead of Anu (the heavens), and enabled their
possessor to determine the gates among the gods her sons.


                         Kingu replaces Absu.

The change in the narrative which comes in here suggests that this is
the point at which two legends current in Babylonia were united.
Henceforward we hear nothing more of Apsu, the begetter of all things,
Tiawath's spouse, nor of Mummu, their son. In all probability there is
good reason for this, and inscriptions will doubtless ultimately be
found which will explain it, but until then it is only natural to
suppose that two different legends have been pieced together to form a
harmonious whole.


                            Tiawath's aim.

As will be gathered from the above, the story centres in the wish of
the goddess of the powers of evil and her kindred to retain creation--
the forming of all living things--in her own hands. As Tiawath means
"the sea," and Apsu "the deep," it is probable that this is a kind of
allegory personifying the productive power seen in the teeming life of
the ocean, and typifying the strange and wonderful forms found
therein, which were symbolical, to the Babylonian mind, of chaos and
confusion, as well as of evil.


                   The gods hear of the conspiracy.

Aa, or Κa, having learned of the plot of Tiawath and her followers
against the gods of heaven, naturally became filled with anger, and
went and told the whole to Anšar, his father, who in his turn gave way
to his wrath, and uttered cries of the deepest grief. After
considering what they would do, Anšar applied to his son Anu, "the
mighty and brave," saying that, if he would only speak to her, the
great dragon's anger would be assuaged, and her rage disappear. In
obedience to this behest, Anu went to try his power with the monster,
but on beholding her snarling face, feared to approach her, and turned
back. Nudimmud was next called upon to become the representative of
the gods against their foe, but his success was as that of Anu, and it
became needful to seek another champion.


                And choose Merodach as their champion.

The choice fell upon Merodach, the Belus (Bel-Merodach) of Damascius's
paraphrase, and at once met with an enthusiastic reception. The god
asked simply that an "unchangeable command" might be given to him--
that whatever he ordained should without fail come to pass, in order
that he might destroy the common enemy. Invitations were sent to the
gods asking them to a festival, where, having met together, they ate
and drank, and "decided the fate" for Merodach their avenger,
apparently meaning that he was decreed their defender in the conflict
with Tiawath, and that the power of creating and annihilating by the
word of his mouth was his. Honours were then conferred upon him;
princely chambers were erected for him, wherein he sat as judge "in
the presence of his fathers," and the rule over the whole universe was
given to him. The testing of his newly acquired power followed. A
garment was placed in their midst:

  "He spake with his mouth, and the garment was destroyed,
  He spake to it again, and the garment was reproduced."


                      Merodach proclaimed king.

On this proof of the reality of the powers conferred on him, all the
gods shouted "Merodach is king!" and handed to him sceptre, throne,
and insignia of royalty. An irresistible weapon, which should shatter
all his enemies, was then given to him, and he armed himself also with
spear or dart, bow, and quiver; lightning flashed before him, and
flaming fire filled his body. Anu, the god of the heavens, had given
him a great net, and this he set at the four cardinal points, in order
that nothing of the dragon, when he had defeated her, should escape.
Seven winds he then created to accompany him, and the great weapon
called /Abubu/, "the Flood," completed his equipment. All being ready,
he mounted his dreadful, irresistible chariot, to which four steeds
were yoked--steeds unsparing, rushing forward, rapid in flight, their
teeth full of venom, foam-covered, experienced in galloping, schooled
in overthrowing. Being now ready for the fray, Merodach fared forth to
meet Tiawath, accompanied by the fervent good wishes of "the gods his
fathers."


                       The fight with Tiawath.

Advancing, he regarded Tiawath's retreat, but the sight of the enemy
was so menacing that even the great Merodach (if we understand the
text rightly) began to falter. This, however, was not for long, and
the king of the gods stood before Tiawath, who, on her side, remained
firm and undaunted. In a somewhat long speech, in which he reproaches
Tiawath for her rebellion, he challenges her to battle, and the two
meet in fiercest fight. To all appearance the type of all evil did not
make use of honest weapons, but sought to overcome the king of the
gods with incantations and charms. These, however, had not the
slightest effect, for she found herself at once enclosed in Merodach's
net, and on opening her mouth to resist and free herself, the evil
wind, which Merodach had sent on before him, entered, so that she
could not close her lips, and thus inflated, her heart was
overpowered, and she became a prey to her conqueror. Having cut her
asunder and taken out her heart, thus destroying her life, he threw
her body down and stood thereon. Her followers then attempted to
escape, but found themselves surrounded and unable to get forth. Like
their mistress, they were thrown into the net, and sat in bonds, being
afterwards shut up in prison. As for Kingu, he was raised up, bound,
and delivered to be with Ugga, the god of death. The tablets of fate,
which Tiawath had delivered to Kingu, were taken from him by Merodach,
who pressed his seal upon them, and placed them in his breast. The
deity Anšar, who had been, as it would seem, deprived of his rightful
power by Tiawath, received that power again on the death of the common
foe, and Nudimmud "saw his desire upon his enemy."


                           Tiawath's fate.

The dismemberment of Tiawath then followed, and her veins having been
cut through, the north wind was caused by the deity to carry her blood
away into secret places, a statement which probably typifies the
opening of obstructions which prevent the rivers flowing from the
north from running into the southern seas, helped thereto by the north
wind. Finally her body was divided, like "a /mašdκ/-fish," into two
parts, one of which was made into a covering for the heavens--the
"waters above the firmament" of Genesis i. 7.


                   Merodach orders the world anew.

Then came the ordering of the universe anew. Having made a covering
for the heavens with half the body of the defeated Dragon of Chaos,
Merodach set the Abyss, the abode of Nudimmud, in front, and made a
corresponding edifice above--the heavens--where he founded stations
for the gods Anu, Bel, and Ae. Stations for the great gods in the
likeness of constellations, together with what is regarded as the
Zodiac, were his next work. He then designated the year, setting three
constellations for each month, and made a station for Nibiru--
Merodach's own star--as the overseer of all the lights in the
firmament. He then caused the new moon, Nannaru, to shine, and made
him the ruler of the night, indicating his phases, one of which was on
the seventh day, and the other, a /šabattu/, or day of rest, in the
middle of the month. Directions with regard to the moon's movements
seem to follow, but the record is mutilated, and their real nature
consequently doubtful. With regard to other works which were performed
we have no information, as a gap prevents their being ascertained.
Something, however, seems to have been done with Merodach's net--
probably it was placed in the heavens as a constellation, as was his
bow, to which several names were given. Later on, the winds were bound
and assigned to their places, but the account of the arrangement of
other things is mutilated and obscure, though it can be recognised
that the details in this place were of considerable interest.


                         The creation of man.

To all appearance the gods, after he had ordered the universe and the
things then existing, urged Merodach to further works of wonder.
Taking up their suggestion, he considered what he should do, and then
communicated to his father Ae his plan for the creation of man with
his own blood, in order that the service and worship of the gods might
be established. This portion is also unfortunately very imperfect, and
the details of the carrying out of the plan are entirely wanting.


                  Berosus' narrative fills the gap.

It is noteworthy that this portion of the narrative has been preserved
by Abydenus, George the Syncellus, and Eusebius, in their quotations
from Berosus. According to this Chaldζan writer, there was a woman
named Omoroca, or, in Chaldζan, Thalatth (apparently a mistake for
Thauatth, i.e. Tiawath), whose name was equivalent to the Greek
Thalassa, the sea. It was she who had in her charge all the strange
creatures then existing. At this period, Belus (Bel-Merodach) came,
and cut the woman asunder, forming out of one half the earth, and of
the other the heavens, at the same time destroying all the creatures
which were within her--all this being an allegory, for the whole
universe consists of moisture, and creatures are constantly generated
therein. The deity then cut off his own head, and the other gods mixed
the blood, as it gushed out, with the earth, and from this men were
formed. Hence it is that men are rational, and partake of divine
knowledge.


                          A second creation.

This Belsus, "who is called Zeus," divided the darkness, separated the
heavens from the earth, and reduced the universe to order. The animals
which had been created, however, not being able to bear the light,
died. Belus then, seeing the void thus made, ordered one of the gods
to take off his head, and mix the blood with the soil, forming other
men and animals which should be able to bear the light. He also formed
the stars, the sun, the moon, and the five planets. It would thus seem
that there were two creations, the first having been a failure because
Belus had not foreseen that it was needful to produce beings which
should be able to bear the light. Whether this repetition was really
in the Babylonian legend, or whether Berosus (or those who quote him)
has merely inserted and united two varying accounts, will only be
known when the cuneiform text is completed.


                        The concluding tablet.

The tablet of the fifty-one names completes the record of the tablets
found at Nineveh and Babylon. In this Merodach receives the titles of
all the other gods, thus identifying him with them, and leading to
that tendency to monotheism of which something will be said later on.
In this text, which is written, like the rest of the legend, in
poetical form, Merodach is repeatedly called /Tutu/, a mystic word
meaning "creator," and "begetter," from the reduplicate root /tu/ or
/utu/--which was to all appearances his name when it was desired to
refer to him especially in that character. Noteworthy in this portion
is the reference to Merodach's creation of mankind:--

Line 25. "Tuto: Aga-azaga (the glorious crown)--may he make the crowns
         glorious.
     26. The lord of the glorious incantation bringing the dead to
         life;
     27. He who had mercy on the gods who had been overpowered;
     28. Made heavy the yoke which he had laid on the gods who were
         his enemies,
     29. (And) to redeem(?) them, created mankind.
     30. 'The merciful one,' 'he with whom is salvation,'
     31. May his word be established, and not forgotten,
     32. In the mouth of the black-headed ones[*] whom his hands have
         made."

[*] I.e. mankind.


                          Man the redeemer.

The phrase "to redeem them" is, in the original, /ana padi-šunu/, the
verb being from /padϋ/, "to spare," "set free," and if this rendering
be correct, as seems probable, the Babylonian reasons for the creation
of mankind would be, that they might carry on the service and worship
of the gods, and by their righteousness redeem those enemies of the
gods who were undergoing punishment for their hostility. Whether by
this Tiawath, Apsu, Mummu, Kingu, and the monsters whom she had
created were included, or only the gods of heaven who had joined her,
the record does not say. Naturally, this doctrine depends entirely
upon the correctness of the translation of the words quoted. Jensen,
who first proposed this rendering, makes no attempt to explain it, and
simply asks: "Does 'them' in 'to redeem(?) them' refer to the gods
named in line 28 or to mankind and then to a future--how meant?--
redemption? Eschatology? Zimmern's 'in their place' unprovable.
Delitzsch refrains from an explanation."


     The bilingual account of the creation. Aruru aids Merodach.

Whilst dealing with this part of the religious beliefs of the
Babylonians, a few words are needed concerning the creation-story
which is prefixed to an incantation used in a purification ceremony.
The original text is Sumerian (dialectic), and is provided with a
Semitic translation. In this inscription, after stating that nothing
(in the beginning) existed, and even the great cities and temples of
Babylonia were as yet unbuilt, the condition of the world is briefly
indicated by the statement that "All the lands were sea." The renowned
cities of Babylonia seem to have been regarded as being as much
creations of Merodach as the world and its inhabitants--indeed, it is
apparently for the glorification of those cities by attributing their
origin to Merodach, that the bilingual account of the creation was
composed.. "When within the sea there was a stream"--that is, when the
veins of Tiawath had been cut through--Κridu (probably = Paradise) and
the temple Κ-sagila within the Abyss were constructed, and after that
Babylon and the earthly temple of Κ-sagila within it. Then he made the
gods and the Annunnaki (the gods of the earth), proclaimed a glorious
city as the seat of the joy of their hearts, and afterwards made a
pleasant place in which the gods might dwell. The creation of mankind
followed, in which Merodach was aided by the goddess Aruru, who made
mankind's seed. Finally, plants, trees, and the animals, were
produced, after which Merodach constructed bricks, beams, houses, and
cities, including Niffer and Erech with their renowned temples.

We see here a change in the teaching with regard to Merodach--the gods
are no longer spoken of as "his fathers," but he is the creator of the
gods, as well as of mankind.


            The order of the gods in the principal lists.

It is unfortunate that no lists of gods have been found in a
sufficiently complete state to allow of the scheme after which they
were drawn up to be determined without uncertainty. It may,
nevertheless, be regarded as probable that these lists, at least in
some cases, are arranged in conformity (to a certain extent) with the
appearance of the deities in the so-called creation-story. Some of
them begin with Anu, and give him various names, among them being
Anšar and Kišar, Lahmu and Lahame, etc. More specially interesting,
however, is a well-known trilingual list of gods, which contains the
names of the various deities in the following order:--

                  EXTRACTS FROM THE TRILINGUAL LIST
                              /Obverse/

    Sumer. Dialect      Sumer. Standard     Common              Explanation
                                            (Semit. or Sumer.)

 1. Dimmer              Dingir              Ξlu                 God.
 2. U-ki                En-ki               Κ-a                 Κa or Aa.
 3. Gašan(?)-ki         Nin-ki              Dawkina             Daukι, the consort of Κa.
 4. Mu-ul-lil           En-lil-la           Bκl                 The God Bel.
 5. E-lum               A-lim               Bκl
 6. Gašan(?)-lil        Nin-lil-la          dam-bi sal          Bel's consort.
 7. U-lu-a              Ni-rig              Κnu-rκštu           The god of Niffer.
 8. U-lib-a             Ni-rig              Κnu-rκštu

9-12 have Κnu-rκštu's consort, sister, and attendant.

13. U-šab-sib           En-šag-duga         Nusku               Nusku

14-19 have two other names of Nusku, followed by three names of his
    consort. A number of names of minor divinities then follow. At
    line 43 five names of Κa are given, followed by four of
    Merodach:--

48. U-bi-lu-lu          En-bi-lu-lu         Marduk              Merodach
49. U-Tin-dir ki        En-Tin-dir ki       Marduk              Merodach as "lord of Babylon."
50. U-dimmer-an-kia     En-dinger-an-kia    Marduk              Merodach as "lord god of heaven and earth."
51. U-ab-šar-u          En-ab-šar-u         Marduk              Merodach, apparently as "lord of the 36,000 steers."
52. U-bar-gi-si         Nin-bar-gi-si       Zer-panξtum         Merodach's consort.
53. Gašan-abzu          Nin-abzu            dam-bi sal          "the Lady of the Abyss," his consort.

The remainder of the obverse is mutilated, but gave the names of Nebo
in Sumerian, and apparently also of Tašmκtum, his consort. The
beginning of the reverse also is mutilated, but seems to have given
the names of the sun-god, Šamaš, and his consort, followed by those of
Kξttu and Mκšarum, "justice and righteousness," his attendants. Other
interesting names are:

                              /Reverse/

 8. U-libir-si          En-ubar-si          Dumu-zi             Tammuz
 9. Sir-tumu            Sir-du              ama Dumuzi-gi       the mother of Tammuz
12. Gašan-anna          Innanna             Ištar               Ištar (Venus) as "lady of heaven."
20.                     Nin-si-anna         Innanna mul         Ištar the star (the planet Venus).
21. Nin                 Nin-tag-taga        Nanaa               a goddess identified with Ištar.
23. U-šah               Nina-šah            Pap-sukal           the gods' messenger.
24. U-banda             Lugal-banda         Lugal-banda
26. U-Mersi             Nin-Girsu           Nin-Girsu           the chief god of Lagaš.
27. Ma-sib-sib          Ga-tum-duga         Bau                 Bau, a goddess identified with Gula.

Four non-Semitic names of Gula follow, of which that in line 31 is the
most interesting:--

31. Gašan-ti-dibba      Nin-tin-guua        Gula                "the lady saving from death."
33. Gašan-ki-gal        Ereš-ki-gala        Allatu              Persephone.
36. U-mu-zi-da          Nin-giš-zi-da       Nin-giš-zida        "the lord of the everlasting tree."
37. U-urugal            Ne-eri-gal          Nerigal             Nergal.
42. Mulu-hursag         Galu-hursag         Amurru              the Amorite god.
43. Gašan-gu-edina      Nin-gu-edina                            (apparently the consort of Amurru).

In all probability this list is one of comparatively late date, though
its chronological position with regard to the others is wholly
uncertain--it may not be later, and may even be earlier, than those
beginning with Anu, the god of the heavens. The important thing about
it is, that it begins with /ξlu/, god, in general, which is written,
in the standard dialect (that of the second column) with the same
character as that used for the name of Anu. After this comes Aa or Κa,
the god of the earth, and his consort, followed by En-lilla, the older
Bel--Illinos in Damascius. The name of Κa is repeated again in line 43
and following, where he is apparently re-introduced as the father of
Merodach, whose names immediately follow. This peculiarity is also
found in other lists of gods and is undoubtedly a reflection of the
history of the Babylonian religion. As this list replaces Anu by
/ξlu/, it indicates the rule of Enki or Κa, followed by that of
Merodach, who, as has been shown, became the chief divinity of the
Babylonian pantheon in consequence of Babylon having become the
capital of the country.

  THE RELIGION OF
                        BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA

                                  BY

                     THEOPHILUS G. PINCHES, LL.D.

 http://www.sacred-texts.com/index.htm

The Hebrews in Assyrian History

The Hebrews in Assyrian History

Revival of Assyrian Power--The Syro-Cappadocian Hittites--The Aramæan State of Damascus--Reign of Terror in Mesopotamia--Barbarities of Ashur-natsir-pal III--Babylonia and Chaldæa subdued--Glimpse of the Kalkhi Valley--The Hebrew Kingdoms of Judah and Israel--Rival Monarchs and their Wars--How Judah became subject to Damascus--Ahab and the Phœnician Jezebel--Persecution of Elijah and other Prophets--Israelites fight against Assyrians--Shalmaneser as Overlord of Babylonia--Revolts of Jehu in Israel and Hazael in Damascus--Shalmaneser defeats Hazael--Jehu sends Tribute to Shalmaneser--Baal Worship Supplanted by Golden Calf Worship in Israel--Queen Athaliah of Judah--Crowning of the Boy King Joash--Damascus supreme in Syria and Palestine--Civil War in Assyria--Triumphs of Shamshi-Adad VII--Babylonia becomes an Assyrian Province.
IN one of the Scottish versions of the Seven Sleepers legend a shepherd enters a cave, in which the great heroes of other days lie wrapped in magic slumber, and blows two blasts on the horn which hangs suspended from the roof. The sleepers open their eyes and raise themselves on their elbows. Then the shepherd hears a warning voice which comes and goes like the wind, saying: "If the horn is blown once again, the world will be upset altogether". Terrified by the Voice and the ferocious appearance of the heroes, the shepherd retreats hurriedly, locking the door behind him; he casts the key into the sea. The story proceeds: "If anyone should find the key and open the door, and blow but a single blast on the horn, Finn and all the Feans would come forth. And that would be a great day in Alban." 1
p. 395
After the lapse of an obscure century the national heroes of Assyria were awakened as if from sleep by the repeated blasts from the horn of the triumphant thunder god amidst the northern and western mountains--Adad or Rimmon of Syria, Teshup of Armenia, Tarku of the western Hittites. The great kings who came forth to "upset the world" bore the familiar names, Ashur-natsir-pal, Shalmaneser, Shamash-Adad, Ashur-dan, Adad-nirari, and Ashur-nirari. They revived and increased the ancient glory of Assyria during its Middle Empire period.
The Syro-Cappadocian Hittites had grown once again powerful and prosperous, but no great leader like Subbi-luliuma arose to weld the various States into an Empire, so as to ensure the protection of the mingled peoples from the operations of the aggressive and ambitious war-lords of Assyria. One kingdom had its capital at Hamath and another at Carchemish on the Euphrates. The kingdom of Tabal flourished in Cilicia (Khilakku); it included several city States like Tarsus, Tiana, and Comana (Kammanu). Farther west was the dominion of the Thraco-Phrygian Muski. The tribes round the shores of Lake Van had asserted themselves and extended their sphere of influence. The State of Urartu was of growing importance, and the Nairi tribes had spread round the south-eastern shores of Lake Van. The northern frontier of Assyria was continually menaced by groups of independent hill States which would have been irresistible had they operated together against a common enemy, but were liable to be extinguished when attacked in detail.
A number of Aramæan kingdoms had come into existence in Mesopotamia and throughout Syria. The most influential of these was the State of Damascus, the king of which was the overlord of the Hebrew
p. 396
kingdoms of Israel and Judah when Ashur-natsir-pal III ascended the Assyrian throne about 885 B.C. Groups of the Aramæans had acquired a high degree of culture and become traders and artisans. Large numbers had filtered, as well, not only into Babylonia but also Assyria and the north Syrian area of Hittite control. Accustomed for generations to desert warfare, they were fearless warriors. Their armies had great mobility, being composed mostly of mounted infantry, and were not easily overpowered by the Assyrian forces of footmen and charioteers. Indeed, it was not until cavalry was included in the standing army of Assyria that operations against the Aramæans were attended with permanent success.
Ashur-natsir-pal III 1 was preceded by two vigorous Assyrian rulers, Adad-nirari III (911-890 B.C.) and Tukulti-Ninip II (890-885 B.C.). The former had raided North Syria and apparently penetrated as far as the Mediterranean coast. In consequence he came into conflict with Babylonia, but he ultimately formed an alliance with that kingdom. His son, Tukulti-Ninip, operated in southern Mesopotamia, and apparently captured Sippar. In the north he had to drive back invading bands of the Muski. Although, like his father, he carried out great works at Asshur, he appears to have transferred his Court to Nineveh, a sure indication that Assyria was once again becoming powerful in northern Mesopotamia and the regions towards Armenia.
Ashur-natsir-pal III, son of Tukulti-Ninip II, inaugurated a veritable reign of terror in Mesopotamia and northern Syria. His methods of dealing with revolting tribes were of a most savage character. Chiefs were skinned alive, and when he sacked their cities, not only fighting-men but women and children were either

Click to enlarge
STATUE OF ASHUR-NATSIR-PAL, WITH INSCRIPTIONS
From S.W. Palace of Nimroud: now in British Museum.
Photo. Mansell

p. 397
slaughtered or burned at the stake. It is not surprising to find therefore that, on more than one occasion, the kings of petty States made submission to him without resistance as soon as he invaded their domains.
In his first year he overran the mountainous district between Lake Van and the upper sources of the Tigris. Bubu, the rebel son of the governor of Nishtun, who had been taken prisoner, was transported to Arbela, where he was skinned alive. Like his father, Ashur-natsir-pal fought against the Muski, whose power was declining. Then he turned southward from the borders of Asia Minor and dealt with a rebellion in northern Mesopotamia.
An Aramæan pretender named Akhiababa had established himself at Suru in the region to the east of the Euphrates, enclosed by its tributaries the Khabar and the Balikh. He had come from the neighbouring Aramæan State of Bit-Adini, and was preparing, it would appear, to form a powerful confederacy against the Assyrians.
When Ashur-natsir-pal approached Suru, a part of its population welcomed him. He entered the city, seized the pretender and many of his followers. These he disposed of with characteristic barbarity. Some were skinned alive and some impaled on stakes, while others were enclosed in a pillar which the king had erected to remind the Aramæans of his determination to brook no opposition. Akhiababa the pretender was sent to Nineveh with a few supporters; and when they had been flayed their skins were nailed upon the city walls.
Another revolt broke out in the Kirkhi district between the upper reaches of the Tigris and the south-western shores of Lake Van. It was promoted by the Nairi tribes, and even supported by some Assyrian officials. Terrible reprisals were meted out to the rebels.
p. 398
[paragraph continues] When the city of Kinabu was captured, no fewer than 3000 prisoners were burned alive, the unfaithful governor being flayed. The city of Damdamusa was set on fire. Then Tela was attacked. Ashur-natsir-pal's own account of the operations runs as follows:--
The city (of Tello) was very strong; three walls surrounded it. The inhabitants trusted to their strong walls and numerous soldiers; they did not come down or embrace my feet. With battle and slaughter I assaulted and took the city. Three thousand warriors I slew in battle. Their booty and possessions, cattle, sheep, I carried away; many captives I burned with fire. Many of their soldiers I took alive; of some I cut off hands and limbs; of others the noses, ears, and arms; of many soldiers I put out the eyes. I reared a column of the living and a column of heads. I hung on high their heads on trees in the vicinity of their city. Their boys and girls I burned up in flames. I devastated the city, dug it up, in fire burned it; I annihilated it. 1
The Assyrian war-lord afterwards forced several Nairi kings to acknowledge him as their overlord. He was so greatly feared by the Syro-Cappadocian Hittites that when he approached their territory they sent him tribute, yielding without a struggle.
For several years the great conqueror engaged himself in thus subduing rebellious tribes and extending his territory. His military headquarters were at Kalkhi, to which city the Court had been transferred. Thither he drafted thousands of prisoners, the great majority of whom he incorporated in the Assyrian army. Assyrian colonies were established in various districts for strategical purposes, and officials supplanted the petty kings in certain of the northern city States.
The Aramæans of Mesopotamia gave much trouble to Ashur-natsir-pal. Although he had laid a heavy hand
p. 399
on Suru, the southern tribes, the Sukhi, stirred up revolts in Mesopotamia as the allies of the Babylonians. On one occasion Ashur-natsir-pal swept southward through this region, and attacked a combined force of Sukhi Aramæans and Babylonians. The Babylonians were commanded by Zabdanu, brother of Nabu-aplu-iddin, king of Babylonia, who was evidently anxious to regain control of the western trade route. The Assyrian war-lord, however, proved to be too powerful a rival. He achieved so complete a victory that he captured the Babylonian general and 3000 of his followers. The people of Kashshi (Babylonia) and Kaldu (Chaldæa) were "stricken with terror", and had to agree to pay increased tribute.
Ashur-natsir-pal reigned for about a quarter of a century, but his wars occupied less than half of that period. Having accumulated great booty, he engaged himself; as soon as peace was secured throughout his empire, in rebuilding the city of Kalkhi, where he erected a great palace and made records of his achievements. He also extended and redecorated the royal palace at Nineveh, and devoted much attention to the temples.
Tribute poured in from the subject States. The mountain and valley tribes in the north furnished in abundance wine and corn, sheep and cattle and horses, and from the Aramæans of Mesopotamia and the Syro-Cappadocian Hittites came much silver and gold, copper and lead, jewels and ivory, as well as richly decorated furniture, armour and weapons. Artists and artisans were also provided by the vassals of Assyria. There are traces of Phœnician influence in the art of this period.
Ashur-natsir-pal's great palace at Kalkhi was excavated by Layard, who has given a vivid description of the verdant plain on which the ancient city was situated, as it appeared in spring. "Its pasture lands, known as the 'Jaif', are
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renowned", he wrote, "for their rich and luxuriant herbage. In times of quiet, the studs of the Pasha and of the Turkish authorities, with the horses of the cavalry and of the inhabitants of Mosul, are sent here to graze. . . . Flowers of every hue enamelled the meadows; not thinly scattered over the grass as in northern climes, but in such thick and gathering clusters that the whole plain seemed a patchwork of many colours. The dogs, as they returned from hunting, issued from the long grass dyed red, yellow, or blue, according to the flowers through which they had last forced their way. . . . In the evening, after the labour of the day, I often sat at the door of my tent, giving myself up to the full enjoyment of that calm and repose which are imparted to the senses by such scenes as these. . . . As the sun went down behind the low hills which separate the river from the desert--even their rocky sides had struggled to emulate the verdant clothing of the plain--its receding rays were gradually withdrawn, like a transparent veil of light from the landscape. Over the pure cloudless sky was the glow of the last light. In the distance and beyond the Zab, Keshaf, another venerable ruin, rose indistinctly into the evening mist. Still more distant, and still more indistinct, was a solitary hill overlooking the ancient city of Arbela. The Kurdish mountains, whose snowy summits cherished the dying sunbeams, yet struggled with the twilight. The bleating of sheep and lowing of cattle, at first faint, became louder as the flocks returned from their pastures and wandered amongst the tents. Girls hurried over the greensward to seek their fathers' cattle, or crouched down to milk those which had returned alone to their well-remembered folds. Some were coming from the river bearing the replenished pitcher on their heads or shoulders; others, no less graceful in their form, and erect in their
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carriage, were carrying the heavy loads of long grass which they had cut in the meadows." 1
Across the meadows so beautiful in March the great armies of Ashur-natsir-pal returned with the booty of great campaigns--horses and cattle and sheep, bales of embroidered cloth, ivory and jewels, silver and gold, the products of many countries; while thousands of prisoners were assembled there to rear stately buildings which ultimately fell into decay and were buried by drifting sands.
Layard excavated the emperor's palace and dispatched to London, among other treasures of antiquity, the sublime winged human-headed lions which guarded the entrance, and many bas reliefs.
The Assyrian sculptures of this period lack the technical skill, the delicacy and imagination of Sumerian and Akkadian art, but they are full of energy, dignified and massive, and strong and lifelike. They reflect the spirit of Assyria's greatness, which, however, had a materialistic basis. Assyrian art found expression in delineating the outward form rather than in striving to create a "thing of beauty" which is "a joy for ever".
When Ashur-natsir-pal died, he was succeeded by his son Shalmaneser III (860-825 B.C.), whose military activities extended over his whole reign. No fewer than thirty-two expeditions were recorded on his famous black obelisk.
As Shalmaneser was the first Assyrian king who came into direct touch with the Hebrews, it will be of interest here to review the history of the divided kingdoms of Israel and Judah, as recorded in the Bible, because of the light it throws on international politics and the situation which confronted Shalmaneser in Mesopotamia and Syria in the early part of his reign.
After Solomon died, the kingdom of his son Rehoboam
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was restricted to Judah, Benjamin, Moab, and Edom. The "ten tribes" of Israel had revolted and were ruled over by Jeroboam, whose capital was at Tirzah. 1 "There were wars between Rehoboam and Jeroboam continually." 2
The religious organization which had united the Hebrews under David and Solomon was thus broken up. Jeroboam established the religion of the Canaanites and made "gods and molten images". He was condemned for his idolatry by the prophet Ahijah, who declared, "The Lord shall smite Israel, as a reed is shaken in the water; and he shall root up Israel out of this good land, which he gave to their fathers, and shall scatter them beyond the river, because they have made their groves, provoking the Lord to anger. And he shall give Israel up because of the sins of Jeroboam, who did sin, and who made Israel to sin." 3
In Judah Rehoboam similarly "did evil in the sight of the Lord"; his subjects "also built them high places and images and groves, on every high hill, and under every green tree". 4 After the raid of the Egyptian Pharaoh Shishak (Sheshonk) Rehoboam repented, however. "And when he humbled himself, the wrath of the Lord turned from him, that he would not destroy him altogether: and also in Judah things went well." 5
Rehoboam was succeeded by his son Abijah, who shattered the power of Jeroboam, defeating that monarch in battle after he was surrounded as Rameses II had been by the Hittite army. "The children of Israel fled before Judah: and God delivered them into their hand. And Abijah and his people slew them with a great slaughter: so there fell down slain in Israel five hundred thousand
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chosen men. Thus the children of Israel were brought under at that time, and the children of Judah prevailed, because they relied upon the Lord God of their fathers. And Abijah pursued after Jeroboam, and took cities from him, Bethel with the towns thereof, and Jeshanah with the towns thereof, and Ephraim with the towns thereof. Neither did Jeroboam recover strength again in the days of Abijah, and the Lord struck him and he died." 1
Ere Jeroboam died, however, "Abijah slept with his fathers, and they buried him in the city of David: and Asa his son reigned in his stead. In his days the land was quiet ten years. And Asa did that which was good and right in the eyes of the Lord his God. For he took away the altars of the strange gods, and the high places, and brake down the images, and cut down the groves. And commanded Judah to seek the Lord God of their fathers and to do the law and the commandment. Also he took away out of all the cities of Judah the high places and the images: and the kingdom was quiet before him. And he built fenced cities in Judah: for the land had rest, and he had no war in those years; because the Lord had given him rest." 2
Jeroboam died in the second year of Asa's reign, and was succeeded by his son Nadab, who "did evil in the sight of the Lord, and walked in the way of his father, and in his sin wherewith he made Israel to sin". 3 Nadab waged war against the Philistines, and was besieging Gibbethon when Baasha revolted and slew him. Thus ended the First Dynasty of the Kingdom of Israel.
Baasha was declared king, and proceeded to operate against Judah. Having successfully waged war against Asa, he proceeded to fortify Ramah, a few miles to the
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north of Jerusalem, "that he might not suffer any to go out or come in to Asa king of Judah". 1
Now Israel was at this time one of the allies of the powerful Aramæan State of Damascus, which had resisted the advance of the Assyrian armies during the reign of Ashur-natsir-pal I, and apparently supported the rebellions of the northern Mesopotamian kings. Judah was nominally subject to Egypt, which, however, was weakened by internal troubles, and therefore unable either to assert its authority in Judah or help its king to resist the advance of the Israelites.
In the hour of peril Judah sought the aid of the king of Damascus. "Asa took all the silver and the gold that were left in the treasures of the house of the Lord, and the treasures of the king's house, and delivered them into the hand of his servants: and King Asa sent them to Ben-hadad, the son of Tabrimon, the son of Hezion, king of Syria, that dwelt at Damascus, saying, There is a league between me and thee, and between my father and thy father: behold, I have sent unto thee a present of silver and gold: come and break thy league with Baasha king of Israel, that he may depart from me". 2
Ben-hadad accepted the invitation readily. He waged war against Israel, and Baasha was compelled to abandon the building of the fortifications at Ramah. "Then king Asa made a proclamation throughout all Judah; none was exempted: and they took away the stones of Ramah, and the timber thereof, wherewith Baasha had builded; and king Asa built with them Geba of Benjamin, and Mizpah." 3
Judah and Israel thus became subject to Damascus, and had to recognize the king of that city as arbiter in all their disputes.
After reigning about twenty-four years, Baasha of
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[paragraph continues] Israel died in 886 B.C. and was succeeded by his son Elah, who came to the throne "in the twenty and sixth year of Asa". He had ruled a little over a year when he was murdered by "his servant Zimri, captain of half his chariots", while he was "drinking himself drunk in the house of Arza steward of his house in Tirzah". 1 Thus ended the Second Dynasty of the Kingdom of Israel.
Zimri's revolt was shortlived. He reigned only "seven days in Tirzah". The army was "encamped against Gibbethon, which belonged to the Philistines. And the people that were encamped heard say, Zimri hath conspired and hath also slain the king; wherefore all Israel made Omri, the captain of the host, king over Israel that day in the camp. And Omri went up from Gibbethon and all Israel with him, and they besieged Tirzah. And it came to pass when Zimri saw that the city was taken, that he went into the palace of the king's house, and burnt the king's house over him with fire, and died." 2
Omri's claim to the throne was disputed by a rival named Tibni. "But the people that followed Omri prevailed against the people that followed Tibni, son of Ginath: so Tibni died, and Omri reigned." 3
Omri was the builder of Samaria, whither his Court was transferred from Tirzah towards the close of his six years reign. He was followed by his son Ahab, who ascended the throne "in the thirty and eighth year of Asa king of Judah . . . And Ahab . . . did evil in the sight of the Lord above all that were before him." So notorious indeed were father and son that the prophet Micah declared to the backsliders of his day, "For the statutes of Omri are kept, and all the works of the house of Ahab, and ye walk in their counsel; that I should
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make thee a desolation, and the inhabitants thereof an hissing: therefore ye shall bear the reproach of my people". 1
Ahab was evidently an ally of Sidon as well as a vassal of Damascus, for he married the notorious princess Jezebel, the daughter of the king of that city State. He also became a worshipper of the Phœnician god Baal, to whom a temple had been erected in Samaria. "And Ahab made a grove; and Ahab did more to provoke the Lord God of Israel to anger than all the kings of Israel that were before him." 2 Obadiah, who "feared the Lord greatly", was the governor of Ahab's house, but the outspoken prophet Elijah, whose arch enemy was the notorious Queen Jezebel, was an outcast like the hundred prophets concealed by Obadiah in two mountain caves. 3
Ahab became so powerful a king that Ben-hadad II of Damascus picked a quarrel with him, and marched against Samaria. It was on this occasion that Ahab sent the famous message to Ben-hadad: "Let not him that girdeth on his harness (armour) boast himself as he that putteth it off". The Israelites issued forth from Samaria and scattered the attacking force. "And Israel pursued them: and Ben-hadad the king of Syria escaped on a horse with the horseman. And the king of Israel went out, and smote the horses and chariots, and slew the Syrians with a great slaughter." Ben-hadad was made to believe afterwards by his counsellors that he owed his defeat to the fact that the gods of Israel were "gods of the hills; therefore they are stronger than we". They added: "Let us fight against them in the plain, and surely we shall be stronger than they". In the following year Ben-hadad fought against the Israelites
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at Aphek, but was again defeated. He then found it necessary to make "a covenant" with Ahab. 1
In 854 B.C. Shalmaneser III of Assyria was engaged in military operations against the Aramæan Syrians. Two years previously he had broken the power of Akhuni, king of Bit-Adini in northern Mesopotamia, the leader of a strong confederacy of petty States. Thereafter the Assyrian monarch turned towards the south-west and attacked the Hittite State of Hamath and the Aramæan State of Damascus. The various rival kingdoms of Syria united against him, and an army of 70,000 allies attempted to thwart his progress at Qarqar on the Orontes. Although Shalmaneser claimed a victory on this occasion, it was of no great advantage to him, for he was unable to follow it up. Among the Syrian allies were Bir-idri (Ben-hadad II) of Damascus, and Ahab of Israel ("Akhabbu of the land of the Sir’ilites"). The latter had a force of 10,000 men under his command.
Four years after Ahab began to reign, Asa died at Jerusalem and his son Jehoshaphat was proclaimed king of Judah. "And he walked in all the ways of Asa his father; he turned not aside from it, doing that which was right in the eyes of the Lord: nevertheless the high places were not taken away; for the people offered and burnt incense yet in the high places." 2
There is no record of any wars between Israel and Judah during this period, but it is evident that the two kingdoms had been drawn together and that Israel was the predominating power. Jehoshaphat "joined affinity with Ahab", and some years afterwards visited Samaria, where he was hospitably entertained. 3 The two monarchs plotted together. Apparently Israel and Judah desired
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to throw off the yoke of Damascus, which was being kept constantly on the defence by Assyria. It is recorded in the Bible that they joined forces and set out on an expedition to attack Ramoth in Gilead, which Israel claimed, and take it "out of the hand of the king of Syria". 1 In the battle which ensued (in 853 B.C.) Ahab was mortally wounded, "and about the time of the sun going down he died". He was succeeded by his son Ahaziah, who acknowledged the suzerainty of Damascus. After a reign of two years Ahaziah was succeeded by Joram.
Jehoshaphat did not again come into conflict with Damascus. He devoted himself to the development of his kingdom, and attempted to revive the sea trade on the Persian gulf which had flourished under Solomon. "He made ships of Tharshish to go to Ophir for gold; but they went not; for the ships were broken (wrecked) at Ezion-geber." Ahaziah offered him sailors--probably Phœnicians--but they were refused. 2 Apparently Jehoshaphat had close trading relations with the Chaldæans, who were encroaching on the territory of the king of Babylon, and menacing the power of that monarch. Jehoram succeeded Jehoshaphat and reigned eight years.
After repulsing the Syrian allies at Qarqar on the Orontes in 854 B.C., Shalmaneser III of Assyria found it necessary to invade Babylonia. Soon after he came to the throne he had formed an alliance with Nabu-aplu-iddin of that kingdom, and was thus able to operate in the north-west without fear of complications with the rival claimant of Mesopotamia. When Nabu-aplu-iddin died, his two sons Marduk-zakir-shum and Marduk-bel-usate were rivals for the throne. The former, the rightful heir, appealed for help to Shalmaneser, and that
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monarch at once hastened to assert his authority in the southern kingdom. In 851 B.C. Marduk-bel-usate, who was supported by an Aramæan army, was defeated and put to death.
Marduk-zakir-shum afterwards reigned over Babylonia as the vassal of Assyria, and Shalmaneser, his over-lord, made offerings to the gods at Babylon, Borsippa, and Cuthah. The Chaldæans were afterwards subdued, and compelled to pay annual tribute.
In the following year Shalmaneser had to lead an expedition into northern Mesopotamia and suppress a fresh revolt in that troubled region. But the western allies soon gathered strength again, and in 846 B.C. he found it necessary to return with a great army, but was not successful in achieving any permanent success, although he put his enemies to flight. The various western kingdoms, including Damascus, Israel, and Tyre and Sidon, remained unconquered, and continued to conspire against him.
The resisting power of the Syrian allies, however, was being greatly weakened by internal revolts, which may have been stirred up by Assyrian emissaries. Edom threw off the yoke of Judah and became independent. Jehoram, who had married Athaliah, a royal princess of Israel, was dead. His son Ahaziah, who succeeded him, joined forces with his cousin and overlord, King Joram of Israel, to assist him in capturing Ramoth-gilead from the king of Damascus. Joram took possession of the city, but was wounded, and returned to Jezreel to be healed. 1 He was the last king of the Omri Dynasty of Israel. The prophet Elisha sent a messenger to Jehu, a military leader, who was at Ramoth-gilead, with a box of oil and the ominous message, "Thus saith the Lord,
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[paragraph continues] I have anointed thee king over Israel. And thou shalt smite the house of Ahab thy master, that I may avenge the blood of my servants the prophets, and the blood of all the servants of the Lord, at the hand of Jezebel . . . And the dogs shall eat Jezebel in the portion of Jezreel, and there shall be none to bury her."
Jehu "conspired against Joram", and then, accompanied by an escort, "rode in a chariot and went to Jezreel", so that he might be the first to announce the revolt to the king whom he was to depose.
The watchman on the tower of Jezreel saw Jehu and his company approaching and informed Joram, who twice sent out a messenger to enquire, "Is it peace?" Neither messenger returned, and the watchman informed the wounded monarch of Israel, "He came even unto them, and cometh not again; and the driving is like the driving of Jehu the son of Nimshi; for he driveth furiously".
King Joram went out himself to meet the famous charioteer, but turned to flee when he discovered that he came as an enemy. Then Jehu drew his bow and shot Joram through the heart. Ahaziah endeavoured to conceal himself in Samaria, but was slain also. Jezebel was thrown down from a window of the royal harem and trodden under foot by the horsemen of Jehu; her body was devoured by dogs. 1
The Syrian king against whom Joram fought at Ramoth-gilead was Hazael. He had murdered Ben-hadad II as he lay on a bed of sickness by smothering him with a thick cloth soaked in water. Then he had himself proclaimed the ruler of the Aramæan State of Damascus. The prophet Elisha had previously wept before him, saying, cc I know the evil that thou wilt do

Click to enlarge
DETAILS FROM SECOND SIDE OF BLACK OBELISK OF SHALMANESER III
(1) Tribute bearers of Jehu, King of Israel. (2) Tributary Animals. (3) Tribute bearers with shawls and bags
(British Museum)

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unto the children of Israel; their strongholds wilt thou set on fire, and their young men wilt thou slay with the sword, and wilt dash their children and rip up their women with child". 1
The time seemed ripe for Assyrian conquest. In 843 B.C. Shalmaneser III crossed the Euphrates into Syria for the sixteenth time. His first objective was Aleppo, where he was welcomed. He made offerings there to Hadad, the local Thor, and then suddenly marched southward. Hazael went out to oppose the advancing Assyrians, and came into conflict with them in the vicinity of Mount Hermon. "I fought with him", Shalmaneser recorded, "and accomplished his defeat; I slew with the sword 1600 of his warriors and captured 1121 chariots and 470 horses. He fled to save his life."
Hazael took refuge within the walls of Damascus, which the Assyrians besieged, but failed, however, to capture. Shalmaneser's soldiers meanwhile wasted and burned cities without number, and carried away great booty. "In those days", Shalmaneser recorded, "I received tribute from the Tyrians and Sidonians and from Yaua (Jehu) son (successor) of Khumri (Omri)." The following is a translation from a bas relief by Professor Pinches of a passage detailing Jehu's tribute:
The tribute of Yaua, son of Khumri: silver, gold, a golden cup, golden vases, golden vessels, golden buckets, lead, a staff for the hand of the king (and) sceptres, I received. 2
The scholarly translator adds, "It is noteworthy that the Assyrian form of the name, Yaua, shows that the unpronounced aleph at the end was at that time sounded,
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so that the Hebrews must have called him Yahua (Jehua)".
Shalmaneser did not again attack Damascus. His sphere of influence was therefore confined to North Syria. He found it more profitable, indeed, to extend his territories into Asia Minor. For several years he engaged himself in securing control of the north-western caravan road, and did not rest until he had subdued Cilicia and overrun the Hittite kingdoms of Tabal and Malatia.
Hazael of Damascus avenged himself meanwhile on his unfaithful allies who had so readily acknowledged the shadowy suzerainty of Assyria. "In those days the Lord began to cut Israel short: and Hazael smote them in all the coasts of Israel; from Jordan eastward, all the land of Gilead, the Gadites, and the Reubenites, and the Manassites, from Aroer, which is by the river Arnon, even Gilead and Bashan." 1 Israel thus came completely under the sway of Damascus.
Jehu appears to have cherished the ambition of uniting Israel and Judah under one crown. His revolt received the support of the orthodox Hebrews, and he began well by inaugurating reforms in the northern kingdom with purpose apparently to re-establish the worship of David's God. He persecuted the prophets of Baal, but soon became a backslider, for although he stamped out the Phœnician religion he began to worship "the golden calves that were in Bethel and that were in Dan. . . . He departed not from the sins of Jeroboam, which made Israel to sin." 2 Apparently he found it necessary to secure the support of the idolators of the ancient cult of the "Queen of Heaven".
The crown of Judah had been seized by the Israelitish
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[paragraph continues] Queen mother Athaliah after the death of her son Ahaziah at the hands of Jehu. 1 She endeavoured to destroy "all the seed royal of the house of Judah". But another woman thwarted the completion of her monstrous design. This was Jehoshabeath, sister of Ahaziah and wife of the priest Jehoiada, who concealed the young prince Joash "and put him and his nurse in a bed-chamber", in "the house of God". There Joash was strictly guarded for six years. 2
In time Jehoiada stirred up a revolt against the Baal-worshipping queen of Judah. Having secured the support of the captains of the royal guard and a portion of the army, he brought out from the temple the seven years old prince Joash, "the king's son, and put upon him the crown, and gave him the testimony, and made him king. And Jehoiada and his sons anointed him, and said, God save the king.
"Now when Athaliah heard the noise of the people running and praising the king, she came to the people into the house of the Lord: and she looked, and, behold the king stood at his pillar at the entering in, and the princes and the trumpets by the king: and all the people of the land rejoiced, and sounded with trumpets, also the singers with instruments of musick, and such as taught to sing praise. Then Athaliah rent her clothes, and said, Treason, Treason.
"Then Jehoiada the priest brought out the captains of hundreds that were set over the host, and said unto them, Have her forth of the ranges: and whoso followeth her, let him be slain by the sword. For the priest said, Slay her not in the house of the Lord. So they laid hands on her; and when she was come to the entering of the horse gate by the king's house, they slew her there.
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"And Jehoiada made a covenant between him, and between all the people, and between the king, that they should be the Lord's people. Then all the people went to the house of Baal, and brake it down, and brake his altars and his images in pieces, and slew Mattan the priest of Baal before the altars." 1
When Jehu of Israel died, he was succeeded by Jehoahaz. "The Lord was kindled against Israel, and he delivered them into the hand of Ben-hadad the son of Hazael all their days." Then Jehoahaz repented. He "besought the Lord, and the Lord hearkened unto him: for he saw the oppression of Israel, because the king of Syria oppressed them. And the Lord gave Israel a saviour, so that they went out from under the hands of the Syrians." 2 The "saviour", as will be shown, was Assyria. Not only Israel, but Judah, under King Joash, Edom, the Philistines and the Ammonites were compelled to acknowledge the suzerainty of Damascus.
Shalmaneser III swayed an extensive and powerful empire, and kept his generals continually employed suppressing revolts on his frontiers. After he subdued the Hittites, Kati, king of Tabal, sent him his daughter, who was received into the royal harem. Tribes of the Medes came under his power: the Nairi and Urartian tribes continued battling with his soldiers on his northern borders like the frontier tribes of India against the British troops. The kingdom of Urartu was growing more and more powerful.
In 829 B.C. the great empire was suddenly shaken to its foundations by the outbreak of civil war. The party of rebellion was led by Shalmaneser's son Ashur-danin-apli, who evidently desired to supplant the crown prince Shamshi-Adad. He was a popular hero and received
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the support of most of the important Assyrian cities, including Nineveh, Asshur, Arbela, Imgurbel, and Durbalat, as well as some of the dependencies. Shalmaneser retained Kalkhi and the provinces of northern Mesopotamia, and it appears that the greater part of the army also remained loyal to him.
After four years of civil war Shalmaneser died. His chosen heir, Shamshi-Adad VII, had to continue the struggle for the throne for two more years.
When at length the new king had stamped out the last embers of revolt within the kingdom, he had to undertake the reconquest of those provinces which in the interval had thrown off their allegiance to Assyria. Urartu in the north had grown more aggressive, the Syrians were openly defiant, the Medes were conducting bold raids, and the Babylonians were plotting with the Chaldæans, Elamites, and Aramæans to oppose the new ruler. Shamshi-Adad, however, proved to be as great a general as his father. He subdued the Medes and the Nairi tribes, burned many cities and collected enormous tribute, while thousands of prisoners were taken and forced to serve the conqueror.
Having established his power in the north, Shamshi-Adad then turned attention to Babylonia. On his way southward he subdued many villages. He fell upon the first strong force of Babylonian allies at Dur-papsukal in Akkad, and achieved a great victory, killing 13,000 and taking 3000 captives. Then the Babylonian king, Marduk-balatsu-ikbi, advanced to meet him with his mixed force of Babylonians, Chaldæans, Elamites, and Aramæans, but was defeated in a fierce battle on the banks of the Daban canal. The Babylonian camp was captured, and the prisoners taken by the Assyrians included 5000 foot-men, 200 horsemen, and 100 chariots
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Shamshi-Adad conducted in all five campaigns in Babylonia and Chaldæa, which he completely subdued, penetrating as far as the shores of the Persian Gulf. In the end he took prisoner the new king, Bau-akh-iddina, the successor of Marduk-balatsu-ikbi, and transported him to Assyria, and offered up sacrifices as the overlord of the ancient land at Babylon, Borsippa, and Cuthah. For over half a century after this disaster Babylonia was a province of Assyria. During that period, however, the influence which it exercised over the Assyrian Court was so great that it contributed to the downfall of the royal line of the Second Empire.

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Footnotes

394:1 Finn and His Warrior Band, pp. 245 et seq. (London, 1911).
396:1 Also rendered Ashur-na´sir-pal.
398:1 A History of the Babylonians and Assyrians, G. S. Goodspeed, p. 197.
401:1 Discoveries at Nineveh, Sir A. H. Layard (London, 1856), pp. 55, 56.
402:1 "Thou art beautiful, O my love, as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem." Solomon's Song, vi, 4.
402:2 2 Chronicles, xii, 15.
402:3 1 Kings, xiv, 1-20.
402:4 Ibid., 21-3.
402:5 2 Chronicles, xii, 1-12.
403:1 2 Chronicles, xiii, 1-20.
403:2 Ibid., xiv, 1-6.
403:3 1 Kings, xv, 25-6.
404:1 1 Kings, xv, 16-7.
404:2 Ibid., 18-9.
404:3 Ibid., 20-2.
405:1 1 Kings, xvi, 9-10.
405:2 Ibid., 15-8.
405:3 Ibid., 21-2.
406:1 Micah, vi, 16.
406:2 1 Kings, xvi, 29-33.
406:3 Ibid., xviii, 1-4.
407:1 1 Kings, xx.
407:2 Ibid., xxii, 43.
407:3 2 Chronicles, xviii, 1-2.
408:1 1 Kings, xxii and 2 Chronicles, xviii.
408:2 1 Kings, xxii, 48-9.
409:1 1 Kings, viii.
410:1 2 Kings, ix and 2 Chronicles, xxii.
411:1 2 Kings, viii, 1-15.
411:2 The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records and Legends of Assyria and Babylonia, pp. 337 et seq.
412:1 2 Kings, x, 32-3.
412:2 Ibid., 1-31.
413:1 2 Kings, xi, 1-3.
413:2 2 Chronicles, xxii, 10-12.
414:1 2 Chronicles, xxiii, 1-17.
414:2 2 Kings, xiii, 1-5.
Myths of Babylonia and Assyria, by Donald A. MacKenzie, [1915]
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